THE CASE FOR REOPENING WEST VIRGINIA’S REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion
This is a series of exhibits making the case for reopening West Virginia’s Republican primary. Each exhibit will produce facts with supportive data and is open to respectful rebuttal and factual dissent.
Opening:
Why I’m Raising the Question
Over the next few weeks, I’ll be making the case for reopening West Virginia’s Republican primary.
Before I begin, I want to make one thing very clear.
I am not questioning the motives of those who support a closed primary. I believe many sincere conservatives adopted that position because they wanted to protect the integrity of our elections and the Republican Party.
I respect that.
My purpose is simply to ask whether the facts and the mathematics still support that policy in today’s West Virginia.
I’ll present official voter registration data, explain my reasoning, and cite my sources.
If someone presents evidence that proves my conclusions are wrong, I’ll gladly consider it. My goal isn’t to win an argument. My goal is to arrive at the right answer.
The strength of our Republic depends on our willingness to follow the facts wherever they lead.
I hope you’ll keep an open mind during this series, so we examine this issue together.
Tomorrow: The numbers have changed—and they tell an important story.
THE CASE FOR REOPENING WEST VIRGINIA’S REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion – Mark Allen Caserta
Exhibit #1
The Numbers Have Changed
Every good decision begins with good information.
According to the latest voter registration data from the West Virginia Secretary of State, as of July 31, 2026, West Virginia has:
West Virginia Voter Registration Totals | WV Secretary of State
🔴 524,202 Republicans
🔵 326,497 Democrats
⚪ 304,775 voters with no party affiliation
🟢 48,665 voters registered with other political parties
That means 353,440 West Virginians—more than 29% of all registered voters (29.35%, to be exact)—are registered outside the two major parties.
Those numbers matter.
West Virginia has changed dramatically over the past two decades. Republicans are now the state’s largest voting bloc by a wide margin.
Yet 3 out of 10 registered voters have chosen not to affiliate with either major party. Many have simply chosen principle over party.
Those favoring a closed primary are concerned that voters outside the Republican Party may use their primary vote strategically to help nominate a weaker Republican candidate, rather than simply voting for the candidate they genuinely believe would best represent them in government.
Disenfranchising a particular voter bloc because of what “may or may not” happen doesn’t seem logically sound to me—especially when that bloc represents such a significant percentage of West Virginia’s registered voters.
Additionally, we need to examine the mathematics behind that concern.
With 524,202 registered Republicans compared with 326,497 registered Democrats, Republicans hold a registration advantage of 197,705 voters. Registration totals alone cannot tell us how voters will participate in any particular primary, but they do provide important perspective when evaluating the concern that Democrats could substantially influence Republican nominations.
There is another factor to consider.
If unaffiliated voters who share constitutional, conservative values are permitted to participate in the Republican primary and choose to do so, they would further expand the pool of voters from which Republican nominees are selected making it even more mathematically difficult for Democrats to influence the outcome.
That raises what I believe is the more important question:
Should our focus be on fearing how someone might vote—or on giving more conservative-minded West Virginians a reason to vote with us?
If we’re going to discuss whether Republican primaries should remain closed, we should begin with today’s facts—not yesterday’s assumptions.
Our goal should be to attract those 353,440 potential voters—not estrange them. The risk of disenfranchising and alienating nearly 30 percent of the electorate far exceeds the risk posed by an arguably much smaller percentage of Democrats who might use their primary vote strategically to help nominate a weaker Republican candidate.
Tomorrow – Exhibit #2: Who are the 353,440?
THE CASE FOR REOPENING WEST VIRGINIA’S REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion – Mark Allen Caserta
Exhibit #2
Who Are the 353,440 West Virginia Voters Registered Outside the Two Major Parties?
Linda Killian, journalist, political analyst, and author of The Swing Vote: The Untapped Power of Independents, has written extensively about the influence of independent and swing voters:
“These are the swing voters. Disaffected with the two parties but deciding elections all over the country.”
— Linda Killian, The Swing Vote: The Untapped Power of Independents
The Pew Research Center has similarly observed:
“Independents are the swing voters in every presidential election.”
One of the biggest misconceptions in this debate is that voters outside the two major parties are somehow “the opposition.”
That simply isn’t true.
I’ve followed political campaigns throughout my adult life, and major political campaigns routinely place tremendous emphasis on winning independent and swing voters.
Now, to be clear, independent voters are not automatically swing voters. But independents can include persuadable voters who help determine the outcome of closely contested elections. A political party interested in expanding its coalition therefore has good reason to compete for voters outside its formal membership rather than simply assuming they belong to the opposition.
How often do we hear about presidential candidates fighting to win the “swing states”?
More now than ever, I believe many voters outside the two major parties share constitutional and conservative values but have become disillusioned with the parties themselves. Battles, inefficiencies, and inconsistencies within both major parties have given voters plenty of reasons to question party loyalty.
We’re seeing this now more than ever.
Among those 353,440 West Virginians registered outside the Republican and Democrat parties are undoubtedly people with a wide range of political philosophies. They include voters who identify as conservatives, libertarians and independents, as well as citizens who simply prefer political independence rather than adopting the entire platform offered by either major party.
Choosing not to join the Republican Party does not necessarily mean someone has abandoned conservative principles. A voter can support conservative candidates and policies without choosing to put an “R” beside his or her name.
Some also feel it is unreasonable to require a voter to change political affiliation and become a “card-carrying” Republican simply to vote for the candidate they believe would represent them best. Closing the Republican primary to these voters risks leaving some feeling excluded or alienated—and potentially far less inclined to support Republican candidates in the general election.
Supporters of a closed primary argue that restricting participation to registered Republicans protects the party’s ability to choose its own nominees and reduces the possibility that voters outside the party could strategically influence the outcome.
More specifically, the concern is that some registered Democrats might forgo voting for their own party’s preferred nominee and instead use their primary vote to support a weaker Republican candidate—one they believe would be easier for the Democrat nominee to defeat in the general election.
That concern deserves consideration.
But so does the consequence of addressing that possibility by excluding hundreds of thousands of West Virginians who are registered outside the two major parties. In Exhibit #3, we’ll examine how that exclusion changes the mathematics of the voting equation.
At face value, requiring Republican Party membership to participate in a Republican primary may seem reasonable. But we are talking about locking out a group representing nearly 30 percent of West Virginia’s overall electorate.
At the very least, one has to question the wisdom of that decision.
If our objective is to identify and elect strong constitutional conservatives to help strengthen and preserve our Republic, we should consider whether excluding voters who may already share many of those values actually helps accomplish that goal.
Tomorrow: Exhibit #3 – The Mathematics
THE CASE FOR REOPENING WEST VIRGINIA’S REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion – Mark Allen Caserta
Exhibit #3
The Mathematics
Before making the case for reopening West Virginia’s Republican primary, it’s only fair that we understand why many Republicans support keeping it closed.
Their concern is straightforward.
They worry that Democrats—or other voters who are not committed Republicans—could strategically vote in a Republican primary to influence the outcome by supporting the candidate they believe would be easier to defeat or who better aligns with their agenda.
Protecting the integrity of the Republican Party is a legitimate goal, and I respect those who hold that view.
I believe most supporters of closed primaries are acting in good faith. They sincerely want to preserve conservative principles and prevent outside interference.
Those concerns deserve to be heard—not dismissed.
But good public policy should always be tested against the facts.
The question isn’t whether the concern is sincere.
The question is whether today’s voter registration numbers suggest that this concern is large enough to justify excluding 353,440 West Virginians who are registered outside the two major parties from participating in Republican primaries.
That’s where the conversation becomes less about emotion… and more about mathematics.
Let’s really examine the math of a closed primary. I submit that if more conservative independents are allowed to vote in the Republican primary, it makes it more difficult for a percentage of Democrats who are willing to sacrifice their primary vote to bolster a Republican candidate they are more likely to defeat in the general election or help elect a candidate they feel would support the less conservative, Democrat agenda.
Consider the mathematics. If 5,000 Democrats chose to vote strategically in a Republican primary with 50,000 Republican and conservative voters participating, those 5,000 votes would equal 10 percent of that voting pool. But if opening the primary attracted another 25,000 conservative-minded independent voters, expanding that pool to 75,000, those same 5,000 strategic votes would represent only 6.7 percent.
The number of crossover votes hasn’t changed. Their proportional influence has.
Simply put: the larger the pool of conservative voters, the more difficult it becomes for a fixed number of strategic crossover voters to influence the outcome.
There is also a second mathematical consideration. If excluding independent and unaffiliated voters from the Republican primary alienates even a portion of conservative-leaning voters enough that they stay home or support a Democrat in November, the effect becomes twofold: Republicans lose a potential vote while Democrats may gain one.
And that has a troubling mathematical consequence!
If one voter simply stays home, Republicans are minus one potential vote.
If that same voter switches from the Republican candidate to the Democrat candidate, the margin between the candidates changes by two votes: Republican −1 and Democrat +1.
Cause and effect, mathematically speaking:
Dilution effect: A larger conservative primary electorate reduces the proportional influence of a fixed number of strategic crossover voters.
Coalition effect: Opening participation could bring conservative-leaning unaffiliated voters into the Republican nominating process.
Alienation effect: If closing the primary causes some otherwise Republican-leaning voters to defect in November, each actual R-to-D switch produces a two-vote change in the Republican-versus-Democrat margin.
The numbers don’t lie.
Tomorrow – Exhibit #4: Does Closing the Primary Create More Problems Than It Solves?
THE CASE FOR REOPENING WEST VIRGINIA’S REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion – Mark Allen Caserta
Exhibit #4
Does Closing the Primary Create More Problems Than It Solves?
In a March 24, 2026 interview with WCHS-TV Eyewitness News reporter Bethany Jarrell, West Virginia Secretary of State Kris Warner discussed the Republican Party’s decision to close its primary to unaffiliated voters after years of allowing them to participate.
“We had 23,627 unaffiliated voters that voted a Republican ballot,” Warner said. “That means there are over 23,000 people, if those numbers remain consistent, who will not be able to vote in the Republican primary unless they switch their party registration.”
WCHS News interview with Secretary of State Kris Warner – March 24, 2026
Folks, that’s a very, very large number of voters who had previously chosen to cast a Republican primary ballot and were suddenly told that, unless they changed their party registration, they could no longer do so.
Ouch!
I understand the reasoning behind trying to prevent voters from another political party from strategically using their primary votes to influence the opposing party’s nominee for the general election. But that is a significant price to pay to address a concern whose actual scope and impact in West Virginia deserve closer examination.
We must be careful not to allow emotion to cloud our judgment. I encourage Republicans who favor a closed primary to look carefully at all the facts and consequences.
I also find it interesting that the Democrat Party did not close its primary to unaffiliated voters. Should Democrats not have the same theoretical concern—that Republicans or other voters might attempt to influence their primary?
Let’s take a candid look at some of the potential unintended consequences of a closed Republican primary:
• Alienation: Conservative-minded unaffiliated voters may feel Republicans don’t want their participation. I’ve personally spoken with several independent voters who felt alienated—even angry—after showing up at the polls intending to vote in the Republican primary, only to learn they could no longer participate.
• Coalition size: Republicans are voluntarily reducing the pool of voters eligible to participate in choosing Republican nominees.
The response is often, “If they want to vote Republican, let them switch parties.”
That’s a pretty bold position considering how difficult it already can be to get registered voters to participate in primary elections. Additionally, many unaffiliated voters have chosen not to affiliate with a political party for a reason. Some prefer to adhere to their individual principles rather than adopt an entire party platform they may find inconsistent with some of their values and beliefs.
• General-election consequences: If excluded conservative-leaning voters become less inclined to support the eventual Republican nominee, the primary policy could work against Republicans in November.
We examined the mathematics in the previous exhibit. If a voter who otherwise would have voted Republican instead votes Democrat, the margin between the two candidates changes by two votes:
Republican −1. Democrat +1.
That doesn’t mean closing the primary will cause voters to switch sides. But the mathematical consequence is real if they do.
• Candidate incentives: A closed electorate may encourage candidates to concentrate primarily on registered party voters rather than building a broader conservative coalition.
What incentive does a candidate have during the primary to persuade an unaffiliated voter when that voter cannot participate in selecting the nominee?
How do Republicans continue expanding their coalition if candidates have less reason during the nominating process to reach beyond existing party registration?
• Party growth: Requiring affiliation before participation creates an additional barrier between the GOP and voters it might otherwise persuade to become Republicans.
It is important to remember that Republicans did not become West Virginia’s dominant political party simply by relying on people who had always been registered Republicans. The political transformation of West Virginia required persuading voters to support Republican candidates and conservative policies.
Political majorities are built by addition—not subtraction.
• The perceived problem still isn’t eliminated: A closed primary cannot guarantee that every registered Republican is genuinely conservative, nor can it prevent a voter from changing party registration before the applicable deadline specifically to participate in a Republican primary.
A closed primary can control the letter beside a voter’s name.
It cannot control the voter’s philosophy, motivation, or intent.
• Republicans risk being seen as turning their backs on voters who helped build the majority: Republicans have become West Virginia’s dominant political party by attracting voters to the GOP coalition over many years.
Does concern over what some voters might attempt to do justify excluding thousands of unaffiliated voters who have previously demonstrated a willingness to participate in Republican primaries?
Secretary Warner cited 23,627 unaffiliated voters who had chosen a Republican primary ballot in a prior election.
Those voters should not simply disappear from the equation.
When weighing these potential downsides against one of the principal arguments for closing the primary—preventing voters outside the Republican Party from strategically influencing the selection of Republican nominees—I believe all of the consequences deserve careful consideration.
The question isn’t simply whether closing the primary can reduce crossover voting.
The larger question is whether the benefits of closing the primary outweigh the potential consequences of excluding voters who might otherwise become part of the Republican coalition.
After examining the numbers, the mathematics, and these potential unintended consequences, my position remains clear:
Reopen West Virginia’s Republican primary.
Tomorrow – What really happened when Republicans closed the primary after nearly 4 decades?
This is Exhibit 5 in a series making the case for reopening West Virginia’s Republican primary. Each exhibit has produced facts with supportive data and is open to respectful rebuttal and factual dissent after reading the exhibit in its entirety.
THE CASE FOR REOPENING WEST VIRGINIA’S REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion — Mark Allen Caserta
Exhibit #5
Let’s Look at the Evidence: “What Happened to Republican Primary Participation After the Primary Closed?”
Throughout this case, I have acknowledged what I believe is the strongest argument offered by supporters of a closed Republican primary and countered it with facts, data and sources.
Now, let’s stop talking about what “might happen” and take a look at the hard evidence of what “did happen” the first time Republicans closed the primary in more than four decades!
According to official data recently acquired from the West Virginia Secretary of State’s Office, here is what happened in Republican House and Senate primary races when comparing 2022 with 2026—and it isn’t pretty. The decline in Republican primary votes was not isolated to a handful of races. The decline was broad!
Here are the findings for the House of Delegates:
- Republican primary vote totals in House races declined by 28,812 votes from 2022 to 2026.
- Some of the individual losses were substantial. House District 84 dropped from 2,600 votes in 2022 to 1,572 in 2026—a decline of 1,028 votes.
- House District 100 dropped from 1,672 to 824—a decline of 848 votes.
- House District 19 dropped from 1,841 to 1,059—a decline of 782 votes.
- House District 88 dropped from 2,005 to 1,254—a decline of 751 votes.
- House District 43 dropped from 1,713 to 966—a decline of 747 votes.
The Senate tells a similar story!
- Republican primary vote totals in Senate races declined by 17,983 votes from 2022 to 2026.
- Senate District 3 dropped from 12,855 votes in 2022 to 9,554 in 2026—a decline of 3,301 votes.
- Senate District 14 dropped from 12,111 to 8,945—a decline of 3,166 votes.
- Senate District 16 dropped from 8,203 to 5,556—a decline of 2,647 votes.
- Senate District 13 dropped from 5,630 to 3,464—a decline of 2,166 votes.
- Senate District 1 dropped from 8,928 to 6,843—a decline of 2,085 votes.
So, what does the official data tell us?
Republican primary vote totals declined substantially in both House and Senate races from 2022 to 2026.
- The House of Delegates declined by 28,812 Republican primary votes.
- The Senate declined by 17,983 Republican primary votes.
Those are not projections, estimates or opinions. They are the totals reported in the data provided by the West Virginia Secretary of State’s Office.
Let that sink in, supporters of a closed GOP primary!
The evidence shows that following the closing of the Republican primary, Republican primary vote totals declined substantially. The numbers certainly raise an important question: If the purpose of closing the primary was to strengthen the Republican nomination process, why did Republican primary participation move so dramatically in the opposite direction?
Additionally, closing the primary risks alienating unaffiliated voters who represent nearly 30% of West Virginia’s electorate—including nearly 24,000 unaffiliated voters who chose a Republican ballot in the 2024 primary election, as previously documented in this case through the WCHS interview.
This evidence establishes that Republican primary vote totals declined substantially following the closing of the primary, while a significant bloc of unaffiliated voters who had previously chosen to participate in the Republican primary was no longer eligible to do so without changing party registration.
To date, I have not seen a valid rebuttal to this extensive body of evidence, only emotional, hardline statements. The door is still open to respectful, valid rebuttal.
At this point, I submit that the common-sense move is to reopen West Virginia’s Republican primary elections. It helps the party. It helps the true conservative candidates. And it helps constitutional conservatives to be able to choose who they wish to represent them in our Republic.
Tomorrow: Summation and Closing
THE CASE FOR REOPENING WEST VIRGINIA’S REPUBLICAN PRIMARY
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion — Mark Allen Caserta
SUMMATION
Over the course of this series, I have attempted to make a case—not against the Republican Party, nor against those who sincerely believe a closed primary is best—but for taking another look at the decision based on the facts, the numbers, the mathematics, and the potential consequences.
The evidence has now been presented.
Let’s review the case in the order it was made.
THE OPENING
We began with a simple premise:
Good decisions should be based on facts rather than fear of what might happen.
Supporters of a closed Republican primary have a legitimate concern. They fear that voters outside the Republican Party—particularly Democrats—could strategically participate in a Republican primary to help nominate a weaker Republican candidate or one more favorable to their political interests.
That concern deserves consideration.
But the opening question was whether excluding a substantial portion of West Virginia’s electorate is a proportionate response to that possibility.
And from the beginning, the goal was clear:
Facts & Numbers Over Emotion.
EXHIBIT #1
We examined the fundamental purpose of a political party and the importance of building a coalition.
Political parties become stronger by persuading voters, earning support, and expanding their base—not simply by protecting the voters they already have.
West Virginia’s political landscape has changed dramatically over the years, and the Republican Party became dominant by attracting voters who once identified differently.
The central principle was straightforward:
You don’t strengthen a party by shrinking it.
EXHIBIT #2 — THE NUMBERS HAVE CHANGED
Next, we examined the voter-registration numbers.
West Virginia has:
• 524,202 registered Republicans
• 326,497 registered Democrats
• 304,775 voters with no party affiliation
• 48,665 voters registered with other political parties
That means 353,440 West Virginians—29.35 percent of the registered electorate—are registered outside the Republican and Democrat parties.
Nearly 3 out of every 10 registered voters.
Republicans also hold a registration advantage of 197,705 voters over Democrats.
Registration totals alone cannot tell us how people will vote in a particular primary, but they provide important perspective when evaluating the fear that Democrats could substantially influence Republican nominations.
The question raised by the numbers was:
Should Republicans be attempting to attract those 353,440 potential voters—or placing another barrier between those voters and Republican candidates?
EXHIBIT #3 — WHO ARE THE 353,440, AND WHAT DOES THE MATH TELL US?
We then examined the people behind the numbers.
Voters outside the two major parties are not automatically Democrats, liberals, or political opponents.
Among them are West Virginians who share conservative principles but choose political independence rather than formal party affiliation.
Not having an “R” beside a voter’s name does not necessarily mean that voter has rejected constitutional or conservative values.
We also examined the mathematics of strategic crossover voting.
If a fixed number of Democrats attempted to strategically influence a Republican primary, increasing the number of conservative-minded voters participating makes those crossover votes a smaller percentage of the overall voting pool.
The number of crossover votes hasn’t changed. Their proportional influence has.
We also considered the potential general-election mathematics.
If a voter who otherwise would have supported the Republican nominee instead votes for the Democrat nominee, the margin between the two candidates changes by two votes:
Republican −1. Democrat +1.
That does not mean closing the primary will cause voters to switch sides.
But if we are going to consider what Democrats might do in a Republican primary, intellectual consistency requires us to also consider what excluded conservative-minded voters might do in the general election.
EXHIBIT #4 — DOES CLOSING THE PRIMARY CREATE MORE PROBLEMS THAN IT SOLVES?
Finally, we examined the potential unintended consequences of the policy itself.
Alienation: Conservative-minded unaffiliated voters may feel unwelcome or excluded.
Coalition size: Closing the primary reduces the pool of voters eligible to participate in choosing Republican nominees.
General-election consequences: Alienated voters may become less inclined to support Republican nominees in November.
Candidate incentives: Candidates have less reason during the primary to persuade voters who are prohibited from participating.
Party growth: Requiring affiliation before participation creates another barrier between the Republican Party and voters it hopes to attract.
And perhaps most importantly:
Closing the primary does not guarantee the political philosophy, motivation, or intent of the voters who remain eligible.
A registered Republican is not necessarily conservative.
A determined voter can change party registration before the applicable deadline.
Which led us to one of the central conclusions of the entire case:
A closed primary can control the letter beside a voter’s name. It cannot control the voter’s philosophy, motivation, or intent.
Secretary of State Kris Warner also cited 23,627 unaffiliated voters who had previously chosen a Republican primary ballot.
Those voters existed.
They participated.
And under the closed-primary policy, voters like them must now change their party registration before they can again participate in selecting a Republican nominee.
EXHIBIT #5 — WHAT HAPPENED TO REPUBLICAN PRIMARY PARTICIPATION AFTER THE PRIMARY CLOSED?
Finally, we stopped talking about what might happen and examined what actually happened in the first closed Republican primary in more than four decades.
According to data provided by the West Virginia Secretary of State’s Office, Republican primary vote totals declined substantially from 2022 to 2026.
House of Delegates Republican primary vote totals declined by 28,812 votes.
State Senate Republican primary vote totals declined by 17,983 votes.
And the decline was not confined to one isolated race or one part of the state.
Individual House districts experienced substantial decreases, including District 84, down 1,028 votes; District 100, down 848; District 19, down 782; District 88, down 751; and District 43, down 747.
Senate races showed substantial declines as well, including District 3, down 3,301 votes; District 14, down 3,166; District 16, down 2,647; District 13, down 2,166; and District 1, down 2,085.
We should be precise about what those numbers prove.
They do not prove that closing the primary caused every lost vote. Many factors can influence primary turnout.
But they establish an important fact that cannot simply be dismissed:
After West Virginia closed its Republican primary to unaffiliated voters, Republican primary vote totals declined substantially in both House and Senate races.
At the same time, we already know that 23,627 unaffiliated voters had previously chosen to participate by selecting a Republican primary ballot.
We must ask ourselves whether excluding a demonstrated pool of previously participating voters was wise when the first election under the new policy produced substantially fewer Republican primary votes.
THE SUMMATION
So now the evidence must be weighed together.
Is strategic crossover voting a legitimate concern?
Yes.
Should Republicans care about protecting the integrity of their nominating process?
Absolutely.
But the question before us is larger.
Does the potential benefit of preventing strategic crossover voting outweigh the consequences of excluding nearly 30 percent of West Virginia’s registered electorate from participating in the Republican nominating process?
We have seen that closing the primary may reduce participation.
It may alienate conservative-minded voters.
It may create barriers to coalition growth.
It may reduce incentives for Republican candidates to persuade voters outside existing party registration.
And after all of that, it still cannot guarantee the philosophy, motivation, or intent of those who remain eligible to vote.
Meanwhile, the Democrat Party continues allowing unaffiliated voters to request its primary ballot.
So after the Opening and four exhibits, three principles continue to stand out:
Political majorities are built by addition—not subtraction.
A closed primary can control the letter beside a voter’s name. It cannot control the voter’s philosophy, motivation, or intent.
And finally:
You don’t strengthen a party by shrinking it.
The Republican Party became West Virginia’s dominant political party by persuading voters, attracting people to conservative principles, and building a broader coalition.
I submit that should remain our strategy.
Open the doors.
Make the conservative case.
Earn their votes.
This case has never been about winning an argument.
It has been about examining the evidence and doing what we believe is right as we work together to preserve and protect our Republic.
The Opening has been made.
Exhibits #1 through #4 have been presented.
The evidence is now before you – all 3,860 words of it.
We will await the verdict.
Free State Patriot 
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